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Below the line

Women in the working class

Geo/Socio/Bio politics intersect in Gender & Race (Trend)
By Vivianne Serendipia

Thus, a fundamental Below the line theory attempts to provide a more complete picture of gender-based inquiry and attempts to fill this unfortunate gap in so-called lower-income and uneducated. Has a widespread inclination towards taking the focusing on their premise and abandoning women’s relation to class and racial profile. The neglect and discourse of gender are deeply problematic because women occupy subordinate positions in the most organized production of feminist knowledge. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, feminists have increasingly begun to recognize this oversight, and several books have emerged highlighting working-class feminism. But mainstream feminists have bypassed this rectifying body of knowledge, despite its importance and relevance. The avoidance of rights and constant distractions in relation to vanity and individualism had discourse, which ought to bring gender-justice to all women, at least in theory, has suppressed the below the line question to such an extent that itself has been seen as a modality of subjugating women from most underprivileged communities.

Thus there are not just theoretical flaws within mainstream feminism but ideological flaws as well. Theorizing feminism within the media and in real life, therefore, entails the need to interrogate and redefine mainstream feminism from a 0.0 point of view.

This necessitates rethinking notions of patriarchy, feminism, and the individual in a sensitive manner. Only then can we begin to (re)build an adequate theory for the next generations. Is by exploring the implications of gender politics, of the influence of female scholars, social, location, etc.
Between gender and race considering the perspectival limits of the thesis. For the most part, have neglected the question of inclusion of ideals of freedom, equality, and solidarity, where they can acquire a more collective tone.
Below the line-based exploitation of people: need approach‘ was a name of shame’ movement (which emerged under the spotlight of #MeToo)
Issuing a statement serves as a point of reference for the deep underlying tension between dualism and heavily confronted ideas and information given on the web and tangible life.

We can also look back at divergent responses, of the effect of perverts on the morals of our young men. Opposed views where imply these situations as resistance to moral policing by the state and argued for women’s choice to earn the way that they want to. On the contrary, some corporations, welcomed the debate because the ‘semi-respectable’ occupation of bar dancing inevitably led women – predominantly from marginalized women – to prostitution. Instead of focusing fundamentally on the moral issue, Policies demanded rehabilitation of those women who would lose their jobs as a result of the harassment imply on them.

Articulating the for one half, professions like sex work should be seen with respect as they are chosen. As been remarkable be indicate trough time there is no more or less agency exercised in choosing to work as a domestic servant in multiple households for a pittance and with minimum dignity, or to be exploited by the contractors in arduous construction work than there is in choosing to do sex work – whether as the sole occupation or alongside other work.

An equal degree of agency is exercised by choosing highly objectified work as by those choosing domestic or construction-labor work. The findings of the first survey of workers, that is, that about 71% of objectified workers choose sex work over other occupations.

The reasons for their choice are found in the inadequate and insufficient pay and the lack of regular work.
These women predominantly focused on the economic issues over the concerns about dignity, as they were unable to run a household with the incomes they were offered. In order to strengthen this argument to dignify sex work, is a dual sentiment of the statement the example of the institution of marriage. Just as women’s conditions within marriage are unfavorable, the course we opt is not to abolish marriage but rather to create laws to improve women’s conditions within the institution. Analogously, we must find ways to improve the status of women in objectified jobs instead of abolishing the profession.

In cases, we cannot ignore that the choice made by women has certain limitations. The choice is a particular capacity of rational beings to prefer a course of action from among various alternatives. In this case, the choice is not between preferring a profession of dignity to one void of dignity but to choose between two options both without dignity, one of which provides a higher wage. This choosing may technically be an agent, but her agency has no meaning if she does not have sufficient opportunity to exercise broader freedom of choice. Obviously, if women were availed of dignity through another occupation while earning a similar wage, they would prefer the other profession over below-the-line work.
Which provides a hint about the different social locations that horizon the perspectives of the feminists who enjoy race-class privileges over the workers whose rights they claim to defend. Neither discrimination in the form of othering nor factual difference should be ignored in our endeavor to establish a race/gender-just society. The aims behind discourse will never be met unless each and every woman is in a systemic position to avail of equal treatment and dignified status in society. This establishes the structural violence inherent incoherence-ordained linkages between sexuality and labor.

Some ignore the factual aspect of the issue which calls our attention to the foundations of the dehumanization of these women.

Arguing that his view attempts to curb women’s freedom to deploy their sexuality in the manner they desire. But those critics have ignored the underlying issue, that prostitution is a systemic option primarily limited to the disadvantaged, and is thus part of a larger system of social exploitation within which individual choice or sexual freedom functions as hardly more than a raw abstraction. Advice in the same impugned speech, that women should notice under conditions that inevitably drag them into a below the line work environment

Demonstrate the absence of single-axis thinking in our context or the redundancy of intersectionality as an idea has been subjected to scrutiny. Homogeneity versus heterogeneity dichotomy simplifies the complex debates around the need for a civil code or the continuing pleas for narrowing down gender- laws that encompass not just relational arrangements and entitlements, but social security as well. Such simplification de historicisms the trajectory of the women’s movement and the sociopolitical context that shaped it and continues.
The presumed subject of politics has been destabilized most notably by the politics of race, religious community identity, and sexuality.

The questions arrive of race, religion or region destabilize the political thrust of trend(race /gender)-based issues. That destabilization alone is no guarantor of a more genuinely inclusive politics.

Intersectionality itself is an empty space as a person bears only a single relevant identity at a given point in time.

In other words, pointing to the dynamics of power relations within these and similar groups, we should not further fracture the woman or any segregated sector.

Associating a woman with identities other than gender or race weakens the struggle. Then a debate opposes that if intersectionality is to have any genuinely liberatory potential it must be that it contributes to building solidarity across subjects that are recognized.
Otherwise getting lost between movements and agendas. A major noted with minor undertone aspect of the success of US hegemony in the intellectual field is its heterogeneity, a capacity to house positions of opposition, and to find space for immigrant differences.

There is a binary opposition between class politics and gender politics
Historically and in practice, women have always been triply burdened subjects whose issues can thus only adequately be understood within an intersectional framework.

Intersections and synergies pose a threat toward building solidarity-based feminist politics, serving instead as a tool to facilitate government utilizing and the depoliticizing of gender by foregrounding other identities besides gender.
Such engagements with an intensification of the subject under the environment pose a hazard to the sincere attempts to improve the tools available to feminism, tools that could otherwise be helpful moving us forward toward a gender-just society.

This originated in the context of prudence, and it is a truism within legal thinking that law and policies are more just when it does not recognize differences. There are several problems with this criticism.
Obviously, the context out of which a concept emerged does not necessarily condition the possibilities of its applicability for research in other areas or for understanding social realities.

Also, the foundation for the existence of a legal discourse or notions of legal justice is the fact of injustice, including the inequalities prevailing across the world. Given this, if the law remains blind to differences among individuals, it can scarcely provide justice.
Regarding the legal run counter to the nature and functioning of law itself. It is argumentative that since each identity is unstable and uncertain (be race, religion, queer, etc.) the subject would inquiry to must be people and not a race, a religion, gender, or other labels.

And questions arrive, who are these people? Can there be people void of social, economic, or political identity? We neglect to clarify their inner dimensionalities and where are referred to.
Despite the opening call to locate point 0, there seems an urgency to theorize in response to global debates. This leaves us, even after going through the latter half of the chapter, asking for more.